Sunday, June 21, 2009

Draft NGO Law in Iraq

Sami Rasouli, Director of Muslim Peacemaker Teams, recently provided comments for an article by Al-Sabah, a major newspaper in Iraq. The article focuses on the reaction of Iraqi NGO leaders to a draft law before the Iraqi Parliament that regulates NGO activity. Many NGO leaders have spoken out against the law, which would give the government broad supervision and power over civil society. This law is potentially very dangerous for Iraq's democracy because it would allow the government to essentially pick and choose which NGOs it wanted to allow (e.g., pro-government) and which to dissolve (e.g., anti-government). Below is the Al-Sabah article in Arabic as well as an article about the law by Niqash, in English.


government launches attack on civil society

mon 08 jun 09
Niqash

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have expressed concern over government attempts to control their activities, monitor their funding and curtail their independence.

A proposed new law giving the government the right to supervise NGOs and deny them the right of registration without due reason, has provoked strong civil society opposition. The draft law gives the government the power to dissolve any NGO or freeze its work without any judicial supervision. Additionally, the law obliges NGOs to obtain governmental approval to buy or sell any property.

"Any person who joins a non-registered organization or an organization which is not legally and properly declared shall be imprisoned for a period of six months to three years," stipulates the draft law.

Hadi Najm Lazim, a member of Hamourabi Organization, an NGO working in the field of election awareness, said that the penalties contained in the new law "disturb" him and remind him of the practices of the former totalitarian regime.

“Our organization is not registered because of the deadly routine and bureaucratic practices,â€‌ commented Lazim. “I can imagine police raiding our premises and arresting us for giving a lecture on human rights or electoral awareness.â€‌

A draft copy of the NGO law, which was discussed in parliament in April, was recently leaked to the media, creating an outcry.

The draft law is supposed to replace Bremer’s administrative order number 45 of November 2003, the legal framework currently regulating relations between the government and the NGO sector. Although order 45 was heavily criticized by legal experts and civil society activists, “Bremer’s order is less stringent than the provisions of the new draft law,â€‌ said Lazim.

According to Hassan Karim Ati, a lawyer and a member of the Iraqi Society for the Support of Culture the law’s provisions directly contradict the basic aims of civil society organizations. Ati warned that “civil society will be endangeredâ€‌ if the draft law is passed.

The law also seeks to monitor the activities of international NGOs, stipulating that any international organization wishing to open in Iraq needs to provide the government with the names, telephone numbers and addresses of its international and local staff. Moreover, the law stipulates that foreign NGOs should not provide more that 25% of local NGO funds.

Raad Hani, the director of Iraqis Without Borders says that "the government is putting obstacles in front of foreign organizations and their support for local NGOs and that this will discourage them in a time when we are in dire need of their support.â€‌

Critics say that the government failed to consult with civil society in preparing this law.

As a result of widespread criticism, the draft law is now expected to be reviewed and amended, but the date for this review has not been yet specified.





Al-Sabah article:


مجتمع مدني: المطلوب قانون يعبر عن رغبة لدعم المجتمع المدني




ناشطون في منظمات المجتمع المدني:
بغداد ــ شمخي جبر
اكد عدد من الناشطين في منظمات المجتمع المدني اهمية أن يعدل قانون المجتمع المدني بالشكل الذي يحقق إستقلالية مؤسسات المجتمع المدني من غير أي تأثير سلبي مباشر أو غير مباشر من الحكومة والاحزاب السياسية والدينية التي تشكلها (الحكومة)، جاء هذا في معرض التعليق على مسودة قانون المنظمات غير الحكومية الذي قدمته وزارة الدولة لشؤون منظمات المجتمع المدني، واشاروا الى ضرورة ان يتضمن القانون حقوقا لمؤسسات المجتمع المدني الفتية لا ان يتحول الى سلة من الالتزامات والقيود والشكليات التي لا مبرر لها .

اذ اوضح مدير منظمة (الفريق الاسلامي من أجل السلام) في النجف سامي عبدالزهرة المعمار:
إن رسل مؤسسات المجتمع المدني هم الضمير الحي للمسؤول السياسي. وينبغي ان يبقوا كذلك. إذ ان عليهم ان يقدموا النصح لذلك المسؤول في الدولة بدون وجل مهما كان حجمه صغيراً ام كبيراً و يقولوا له مالذي ينبغي فعله او عدم فعله بما يتناسب ومصلحة المواطن الشرعية وبما ينص عليه القانون الدستوري , لان ناشط مؤسسات المجتمع المدني الحقيقي هو الحلقة الموصلة للشعب بالمسؤول الحكومي والناطق الفعلي بلسانها و المدافع لحقوقها متى هدرت. فعليه , وبناءً على مقتضيات المسؤولية الوطنية يجب أن يعدل قانون المجتمع المدني بالشكل الذي يحقق إستقلالية مؤسسات المجتمع المدني من غير أي تأثير سلبي مباشر أو غير مباشر من الحكومة و الاحزاب السياسية والدينية التي تشكلها (الحكومة). وكذلك ينبغي الاستفادة من تجارب و قوانين مؤسسات المجتمع في دول العالم الديمقراطي الحر لا سيما ان الشعب العراقي قد قرر ان يؤسس الدولة العراقية الحرة , الديمقراطية , المستقلة والضامنة لحقوق الانسان بجوهر اجتماعي مدني متقدم.
فيما قال رئيس منظمة (المؤسسة العراقية للتنمية) في نينوى:
هنالك خلط مابين ( التاسيس ) و(التسجيل) لان منظمات المجتمع المدني تؤسس بناء على الارادة الحرة لمؤسسيها وتعتبر متاسسة من تاريخ اصدارها للبيان التاسيسي الاول والتي على الدولة عملا باحكام الدستور تسجيلها .وقد اشارت المواد 21 و 22 من العهد الدولي الاول ( ان الافراد لايحتاجون الى ترخيص لانشاء منظمات مجتمع مدني).
ـ المادة (4) الفقرة/ ب تتعارض مع المادة (2) فقرة/ ج من الدستور العراقي.
ـ امتاز فصل التأسيس والتسجيل بالاطالة والتفاصيل المرهقة ما يجعل تعديله مستقبلا عملا في غاية الصعوبة ذلك لان الامور المتعلقة به امور ادارية بحتة ليس هنالك من ضرورة لذكرها لعدة اسباب منها ان علم الادارة علم متطور ومتغير ومن العيب تحديده بنص في القانون لان تغيير اي اجراء اداري منصوص بالقانون يستلزم تغيير القانون.
ـ كان من الاجدى بالنص اضافة الفصل او دمجه مع فصل العضوية تحت عنوان (التأسيس والتسجيل).
ـ خالف النص تحديد الدستور كمال الاهلية بـ18 سنة.
ـ لم تراع مسودة القانون تأسيس منظمات للاحداث والاطفال بموجب الاتفاقية الدولية لحقوق الطفل المقر بقرار الجمعية العامة للامم المتحدة 44/25 لسنوات 1989 المواد 15،31.
فيما يرى (الناشط في مجال حقوق الانسان) المحامي مرتضى هادي الموسوي:
ان وجود قانون للمجتمع المدني وبالخصوص المنظمات غير الحكومية امر جيد ولكن يجب ان يتضمن القانون حقوقا لمؤسسات المجتمع المدني الفتية لا ان يتحول الى سلة من الالتزامات والقيود والشكليات التي لا مبرر لها.. يجب على ممثلي الشعب ان يوفوا بعهودهم التي قطعوها للشعب بان يمنحوا لهم حقوقهم ويجب ان يبدوا حسن النية تجاه المجتمع المدني ويخففوا من اتهاماتهم له بالفساد لان عاقبة ذلك سوف ترتد عليهم وبالتالي يجب ان لا نرجع للوراء بمعنى الى عصور الظلام التي كانت سائدة في ظل النظام السابق. العراق اليوم ليس العراق امس والمجتمع المدني ليس منحة جاء بها الاميركان انه موجود من زمان في العراق وقد فرضت عليه قيود كثيرة طيلة الخمسين سنة الماضية بحكم تعاقب الانظمة الدكتاتورية على العراق طيله تلك الفترة . من جانبه اوضح (الناشط والحقوقي في الناصرية) القاضي جليل عدنان خلف:لقد اطلعت على مسودة قانون منظمات المجتمع المدني المعروض على البرلمان ووجدت فيه الكثير من العيوب والتناقض بحيث اذا ما تم اقراره من البرلمان فانه سوف يثير منازعات وخلافات واسعة بالتفسير بحكم تناقض فقراته وتداخلها وعدم وضوح الكثير منها وخصوصا ما يعرف ايراد فقرات حول المنظمات ذات النفع العام دون ان يحدد ماهي والكشف عن المصالح المحتملة للاعضاء في المنظمة وهذا شيء غريب وغامض على التشريعات والنصوص القانونية العراقية كما ان ايراد الاجراءات الادارية المتعلقة باجراءات التسجيل والسجلات وغيرها امر غير مبرر وكان من المفروض ترك ذلك عاما لان علم الادارة متطور ومتغير وايراد ذلك بالقانون يجعل من الصعب تغيير أي اجراء اداري الا بتعديل القانون ولذلك ان ادعو اعضاء البرلمان الى عدم التسرع باصدار القانون لان مساوئه اكثر من الايجابيات التي فيه وحتى لايكون هنالك جدل لتغييره بعد اقراره لوجود العيوب فيه مثلما يحصل مع الدستور الحالي الذي كتب على عجالة والان هنالك محاولات كثير لتعديله .
واشار (مدير مركز صدى للتنمية البشرية، في الناصرية) المحامي غسان الصالح الى ان القانون ينص على ضرورة دعم عمل منظمات المجتمع المدني وتعزيزها بدون ان يحدد آليات واضحة لمثل هذا التعزيز او الدعم في وقت تضع فيه مواده تفاصيل واجراءات تنفي مثل هذا الدعم وتقوضه. وتابع الصالح:بناء على ما تقدم وغيره من الملاحظات الكثيرة فاننا كمنظمات مجتمع مدني وكناشطين في مجال حقوق الانسان وداعين لدعم عمل منظمات المجتمع المدني بوصفها السلطة الخامسة ندعو الى الغاء قانون منظمات المجتمع المدني بصيغته الحالية المقدمة للبرلمان وصياغة قانون جديد يعبر عن رغبة حقيقية لدعم المجتمع المدني في العراق ويعزز التحول الديمقراطي في مجتمع انتقالي، وذكر الصالح عدة ملاحظات على القانون:
ـ عدم وجود اشارة الى تمكين المنظمات غير الحكومية من تحقيق ادوارها.
ـ من المفترض بنص القانون ان يكون شكليا وليس موضوعيا، اي ينظم العلاقة بين الحكومة و منظمات المجتمع المدني وليس له ان يرسم سياسة المنظمات ويحول منظمات المجتمع المدني الى جزء من الحكومة وتحت اشرافها ورقابتها الصارمة في وقت يجب ان تؤدي هي فيها مهامها الرقابية على اعمال الحكومة.
ـ منظمات المجتمع المدني تسعى لتحقيق اهدافها طبقا لانظمتها الداخلية وليست تبغي تحقيق اهداف الحكومة، وهو الخلط الذي يثيره نص القانون بصدد الاهداف.
ـ لم تحدد تفاصيل لتعزيز دور منظمات المجتمع المدني ولا اية اشارة للتسهيلات التي يقدمها القانون ولا آليات حكومية معينة لتحقيق هذا الهدف.
ـ يجب الغاء الفقرة 3 المتعلقة بايجاد آلية مركزية كون ذلك مخالفا للدستور الذي نص على ان العراق دولة اتحادية.
ـ لم يلتفت المشرع في المسودة الى اهمية اهداف و اغراض منظمات المجتمع المدني واكتفى بالاشارة اليها بجملة واحدة في حين افرد قانون المنظمات غير الحكومية في كردستان فصلا كاملا بعنوان الاهداف والوسائل.

Monday, June 15, 2009

Two more examples of Letters for Peace

Here are two more letters written recently by young students in Iraq and the U.S. as part of IARP's Letters for Peace program:




Monday, June 8, 2009

"A Quiet but Undeniable Cultural Legacy"

Anthony Shadid at the Washington Post has a recent article about the pervasive influence of the American occupation on Iraqi culture (copied below). According to Shadid, some (mostly younger) Iraqis have embraced elements of American culture like rap, heavy metal and tattoos, while other Iraqis reject the changes. Great article, makes me wonder: how many Americans could name one famous Iraqi singer, or one Iraqi TV show, or one Iraqi Arabic word, or other marker of Iraqi pop culture?


A Quiet but Undeniable Cultural Legacy
U.S. Occupation of Iraq Will End, but a Host of American Influences May Linger

By Anthony Shadid
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, May 31, 2009

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/05/30/AR2009053002145.html


BAGHDAD

Across the street from the tidy rows of tombstones in the British cemetery, mute testimony to the soldiers of an earlier occupation, Mustafa Muwaffaq bears witness to the quieter side of the United States' six-year-old presence in Iraq.


In wraparound sunglasses, shorts and shoes without socks, the burly 20-year-old student waxes eloquent about his love for heavy metal of all kinds: death, thrash, black. But none of it compares, he says, to the honky-tonk of Alan Jackson, whose tunes he strums on his acoustic guitar at night, pining for a life as far away as a passport will take him.


"You know, I wanna go to Texas and be a country boy," he said, as he stood in the sweltering shade of Baghdad's Academy of Fine Arts. "I wanna be a cowboy, and I wanna sing like one."


All occupations eventually end. When this one does, history's narratives will be shaped by the cacophony it wrought -- the carnage unleashed by the U.S.-led invasion that threatened Iraq's notion of itself as a country and that will haunt generations to come.


But the whispers may linger just as long -- the far quieter way in which two cultures that often found it difficult to share the same space intersected to reshape Iraq's language, culture and sensibility. From tattoos of Metallica to bellybutton piercings, from posters for a rap concert in Baghdad to stories parents tell their naughty children in Fallujah of the Americans coming to get them, the occupation has already left its mark.


There is the bellicose language of the checkpoint: "Go" and "Stop" (often rendered as "stob" in a language with no "p"), along with a string of American expletives that Iraqi children imitate with zeal. In parks along the Tigris River, they play "tafteesh," Arabic for inspection. Iraqi troops, sometimes indistinguishable from their U.S. counterparts, don the sunglasses considered effeminate in the time of Saddam Hussein.


Some Iraqi youths even dip Skoal tobacco.


"It's inevitable that they're going to leave a trace on us after they depart," said Yahya Hussein, a soccer coach, former player and denizen of Baghdad's Karrada neighborhood.


'These Are the Times'


Hussein left Kawkab al-Sharq cafe -- named for a legendary Egyptian singer of another era -- where waiters ferried tea, Nescafe and a water pipe known as a nergilla, a word taken from Persian. His family's history in Karrada stretches back 11 generations, and as he strolled along the neighborhood's main thoroughfare, he spoke with the authority of experience.


"All this," he said, pointing at a kiosk, "came after the occupation."


Rickety stands along the street overflowed with goods. Toy guns emblazoned with the moniker "Super Police" sat next to imitation handcuffs and walkie-talkies. A doll dressed in fatigues, with dog tags around its neck, carried an M-16 rifle, familiar to Iraqis as a weapon of the U.S. military. With a squeeze of the doll's hand, Freddie Mercury belted out Queen's "We Will Rock You" to a street speaking Arabic.


"These are the times," Hussein said.


Bootleg copies of "Star Trek," "Valkyrie" and "Marley & Me" were on sale, along with CDs by Eminem, 50 Cent and Massari. On a wall was an ad for a concert by Rap Boys, billed as the "first and biggest rap party in Baghdad."


Youths asked a barber across the street for the latest haircut, which they call "spiky"; one barber insisted that the name came from a soldier's nickname for his military dog. The soldier's version of a crew cut is called "Yankee" (or, sometimes, "bankee").


Businesses hawked camouflage-patterned men's underwear. "Harley," a kind of biker boot, went for $125. "Texas," the cowboy version, cost $100.


For each item, Hussein had a simple phrase: "after the suqut," the fall of Saddam Hussein.


The Long Perspective


Iraq remains a proud country, its people bridling at what they see as the condescension inherent in the United States' modern-day equivalent of a civilizing mission. History, thousands of years of it, forms the refrain of any conversation: Mesopotamia gave birth to civilization, and at its medieval zenith, as Europe slumbered, Baghdad was a city of racetracks, law schools, museums, libraries, hospitals, zoos and insane asylums.


The country's past shamed its present, and in the wake of Hussein's fall in 2003, many Iraqis, however suspicious, were willing to give the Americans the benefit of the doubt. Now, many blame them for everything from sectarian strife to Baghdad's disrepair. The only kind of American most Iraqis have met is a young, gun-toting soldier, and a look of scornful incomprehension often greets a question about the Americans' cultural legacy.


"What are they leaving behind?" asked Mohammed Chayan, a 45-year-old painter sitting with friends at the Madarat Cafe and Gallery, near a wall of concrete barriers.


"There's never really been interaction with society," he said. "When they came to visit, it wasn't artists who showed up. It was soldiers coming down from their tanks."


"They were isolated," admitted Mohammed Rasim Kasim, a filmmaker and photographer. "But," he added, "I have to disagree with my colleague."


Kasim, a bearish, cheerful man, said that before 2003 he had traveled only to neighboring Jordan. Since then, he has visited the United States, Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Germany and Austria. And an image lingers from his travels: recognizing a car in Berlin as a U.S. military vehicle not because it was part of an armored convoy snarling traffic for a mile behind it, as in Iraq, but because he spotted the tiny inscription on its license plate: "U.S. Army."


"It was written so small," he said, still amazed at how inconspicuous it was.


"I'm not defending their presence, but that's not all it was. We have to be honest," Kasim told his friend. "We paid a very high price, but it was the price of freedom."


Chayan shook his head.


"We haven't seen a bright side," he said. "Well, there's no bright side to colonization, we can say that. But the Americans could have left something positive behind. What makes me sad, wherever I go, whenever I go, I just see remains of destruction."


A friend of Chayan's stopped by briefly. "Peace be upon you," he said. The two men traded words of endearment in a staccato burst of familiar Arabic: "My heart," "My dear," "My soul." Then Chayan bade him goodbye: "With peace." His friend's response was distinctly Iraqi, a word borrowed decades ago from English and now used as a greeting, as a farewell, as thanks or as welcome.


"Hello, hello," he said.


The British Interlude


The British entered Baghdad in 1917 to end Ottoman rule, with the same pledge the Americans would make. "Our armies do not come into your cities and lands as conquerors or enemies, but as liberators," proclaimed Maj. Gen. Sir Stanley Maude. Like the Americans, the British faced a revolt, in 1920, led by a segment of the population that had grown frustrated and resentful at the heavy-handedness of a foreign army.


British rule lasted until 1932, and its waning influence ended with the fall of the Hashemite monarchy in 1958. By then, it had left an indelible mark on Iraq's culture and society. Everything from post offices and nightclubs to the railway stations and double-decker red buses that ran in the capital until the last days of Hussein's rule bore a British stamp. So did the military, the judiciary, the health system and the ministries.


Even today, English instructors in Iraqi universities favor a British accent.


"The British created the system. We inherited it from them," said Adnan Pachachi, an 85-year-old lawmaker and former diplomat who entered Iraq's foreign service in the last years of the monarchy. "Of course, Iraqis then added to it."


Words borrowed from the British still litter Iraqi Arabic, albeit with a local inflection: glass, bottle, bicycle, rail, battery, ice cream, counter, blanket, jerrycan, gear, dashboard (dishbool), table (tabla) and lousy (malyous). "Wrongside" means to drive the wrong way down a one-way street. Some argue that the word for tea glass, istikaan, comes from the phrase "ice tea can." (Others insist the word is derived from Persian.)


And, of course, "hello."


American Dreams


Abu Naji was the nickname Iraqis gave their British occupiers. There remains no equivalent for the Americans, but a slew of words describe those who imitate them. The older term for someone becoming more American than Americans was mitamrik, or Americanized. More conservative types here call such people khanazeer or quruud, "pigs" or "monkeys." One student at the Academy of Fine Arts coined another name.


"Am-raqis," she said.


The students agreed there has been an infitah, or opening -- the word many use for the plethora of influences that followed the occupation, imported through the Internet and satellite television, each banned to varying degrees under Hussein. But many of them echoed the question heard at the Madarat Gallery: What has freedom brought?


"You can say what you want to say, and you don't care what anyone else thinks," said Raed Ibrahim, a 23-year-old painter at the academy. "That's my freedom. Anyone can grasp it."


Shahid Shaker, a 21-year-old sculptor, looked at the ground, then spoke up. "Don't exaggerate," she told him softly. "Yes, the occupation brought freedom. But it destroyed culture, too. We're being educated in a culture of violence."


"Sometimes," she added, "there is too much freedom."


Imported pornography is sold openly in Baghdad's Bab al-Sharji market. Popping pills is something of a fad. On campus, dating has grown more permissive. The reality TV show "American Idol," broadcast by a Saudi-owned satellite channel, has its fans. Citing songs by 50 Cent and Metallica conveys a certain hipness. So do tattoos; Shaker says 40 percent of students have one, a remarkable figure given that they were once a mark of prison time.


"I'm going to get one as soon as I get the money," Ibrahim volunteered.


'Havee Matel Mark'


Mark Apram, the most popular tattoo artist in Baghdad, charges $50 for his work. Twenty-nine and married, he sometimes works from his cramped apartment, where a wall bears the words "Havee Matel Mark" over his painting of a red-eyed devil with pitchfork. ("Did I spell it right?" he asked.)


The room is a potpourri of American influences: a picture of an FHM model laminated on his coffee table; a stuffed Taz, the Tasmanian devil from Looney Tunes; an Incredible Hulk action figure. His shirt, embossed with images of Tupac Shakur and Snoop Dogg, reads, "The Hood, the Bad and The Guilty."


"Anything American, I love it," he said. "It's what makes me happy."


Apram estimates that he has done a million tattoos since the Americans invaded, inspired by the Internet and by designs he saw on soldiers' arms when they rolled up their sleeves. "Maybe even more," he responded to a look of disbelief.


He is an advertisement for his own work. His left arm bears the images of a scorpion, the sun, the Virgin Mary and the name of an old girlfriend, Rana. (His pregnant wife has begged him to remove that one.) Being right-handed, he has left his right arm bare. On his right leg are tattooed a dragon and the letter E, for Eminem.


Butterflies and flowers are most popular with girls, he said. Men prefer skulls, a barbed-wire-like design, Metallica and the names of daughters, wives and girlfriends. Some ask for a dragon. A teenage boy wanted a Harley-Davidson motorcycle.


The Internet has been influential, he said, as have satellite TV channels. But as he sees it, his success is a legacy of the presence of tens of thousands of American troops in his country.


"They're the origin of all of it," he said. "They're teaching us how to act."


A Military Lexicon


The military aesthetic may prove to be this occupation's most lasting cultural artifact. If the British can claim credit for an array of industrial words used by Iraqis, including "radiator" and "machine," the Americans are responsible for a military lexicon that is still evolving.


"Hummer" has entered Iraqi dialect as the word for the armored jeeps known as Humvees, as has the Arabic-inflected plural, Hummer-at. "Buffalo" is the word for MRAPs, the hulking Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles. "Chocolate, mister!" or "Soccer ball, mister, soccer ball!" children shout to troops in Sadr City, a Baghdad slum of soggy trash and stagnant pools of sewage.


Badg-at has become Iraqi Arabic for identity cards. Other words and phrases have been picked up from soldiers at checkpoints or conducting house raids or foot patrols: "Relax," "Please," "Sorry," "No problem," "Oh, my God," "Give me five." Almost any youth can hurl a string of American expletives whose Arabic equivalent would earn them a slap across the face.


The war has inspired new Arabic words, as well. Hawasim, the name Hussein bestowed on his last battle in 2003, has come to mean booty looted in its aftermath. Arabic rendered literally from English at checkpoints -- "Prepared to capture criminals" or "Prepared to help" -- reads like the Arabic subtitles of an American movie.


As in the Palestinian territories, where security forces sometimes copy the style of their Israeli occupiers, Iraqi soldiers are now sometimes indistinguishable from their American counterparts, resembling a scaled-down version of a football player.


There is the desert camouflage, along with sunglasses and, occasionally, gloves. The black leather boots of the Hussein era have given way to a khaki suede variety. Holsters have gone from the hip to the thigh. The soldiers are equipped with kneepads, though they usually droop down to their ankles. No one was seen with a flak jacket before the invasion. Nor did anyone roll up their sleeves or tuck their pants into their boots.


Even the posture is American: rifle carried high, finger on the trigger.


And a fist thrust forth has come to mean stop.


"They look like peacocks," declared Abu Ali Rubai, a 60-year-old uniform vendor. "They wear this and that," he said, pointing at a holster nicknamed Rambo, combat boots called Swat, and plastic handcuffs. "They're like a child playing with toys."


He ruffled through bags filled with the gold-colored insignia of the old army's medical corps, tanks, special forces and artillery. He pointed out the colors of the berets that no one buys anymore -- blue for air force, beige for infantry and red for military police. Then he grabbed fistfuls of new badges, most of them in English and Arabic. There was Special Forces, with its skull and crossed arrows (sometimes written as Special Farces). "Iraq Army" was printed in English. So was SWAT. One badge read, "Ministry of Interiors."


Rubai cast a longing eye at his favorite uniform, worn by Abdel-Karim Qassem, the officer who overthrew the monarchy in 1958, in a portrait that hangs behind his desk. It was a woolen, British-style uniform with a hat known as the sidara, or faisaliyya. Four blue versions of the hat still hung from nails in the wall, gathering dust.


"The old ones were more distinguished," Rubai said. Then he recited a stanza by Maaruf al-Rusafi, a nationalist poet who died in 1945.


The English are not our saviors,


Even if they have made pledges to us in writing.


When has a strong man had pity for the weak?


How does a master make a pledge to his sheep?


We are but prisoners in their hands


And by the pledges they have written that shackle us.


By God, even if we were monkeys,


Monkeys would not accept being our kin.

Friday, May 29, 2009

Images of Iraqis: Shock and Cliché?

I recently came across a great photo essay on the enduring suffering of Iraqis: SUFFERANCE: Iraqi Victims of War (some images graphic). Below are two images from the essay.



These images are both sad and powerful. They provide a window into the lives of Iraqis hurt by the war and conflict. They personalize the reality of life for Iraqis. Many Americans, including me, are shocked by this reality. As with the power of art in general, these photos can transform perceptions of reality.

Yet the "shock factor," unfortunately, wears off. According to Susan Sontag, in our culture “the image as shock and the image as cliché are two aspects of the same presence" (Regarding the Pain of Others, 23). The images above are shocking (and important reminders of the continuing and enduring suffering of Iraqis), but many Americans have seen similar images for the last six years. What has already shocked soon becomes passé. Images that were once scandalous cease to be beyond our boundaries and instead move within our understanding. We become inured and numbed, consumers of spectacle.

What does this say about us? About our relationship with the depicted Iraqis? Can photos such as these provide more than an initial spark of motivation to change the reality of the depicted, or does that reality simply become part of "the way the world works"? Does the sympathy that photographs can engender have any real worth? If feelings of pity and sympathy fail to translate into action, are they less than worthy, i.e., can they reflect negatively on us as perpetrators of some further crime of inaction against the depicted?

Sontag also writes, “for the other, even when not an enemy, is regarded only as someone to be seen, not someone (like us) who also sees” (72). As a stillframe window, the image shows only a moment of the other's life. We do not see the whole story, the person's family, home, work, daily life, etc. In this sense the image is all too often a product to be consumed, with the power to shock and change perceptions, but not to develop a relationship or sense of personal connection with the depicted. By itself, an image soon becomes old hat.

While photos in the media are often intended for this limited function - to shock and then become cliché - images can serve a more positive function when incorporated into a larger narrative and project of building personal connections. The photo essay above, SUFFERANCE: Iraqi Victims of War, for example, displays images of Iraqis suffering not simply to shock and sell, but as part of an ongoing project begun in July 2008 photographing and documenting the lives of Iraqi refugees in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. There is a larger narrative that the photographs support and that aims to engage on a deeper level than shock. While our culture tends to consume images for the pleasure of viewing them, these images of Iraqis are used as points of entry into greater personal involvement with the lives of Iraqis.

My concern with this post has been the value or utility of photos for social justice, rather than any inherent value as art. In their general use in the media, photos reflect a disturbing appetite for shock, consumption, and inaction. As part of a larger project of social justice, however, photos can act as powerful inroads to greater personal engagement and action.

So the next time you see a photo of suffering or pain, think about the entire story and life behind the image. The person in the picture also sees, and looks at photos, and wants to understand more of your life.

Thursday, May 14, 2009

Letters for Peace: a letter from Chris

Below is a letter from an American student to an Iraqi student, translated and sent by the Letters for Peace program. Letters for Peace seeks "to create an atmosphere of trust, respect and mutual understanding between the young people of America and the young people of Iraq. The purpose is to open channels of communication so that students might open their heart to one another and find that what we have in common is greater than what separates us."

______________________________________________

Dear Iraqi Friend,

We have just read some of the letters you are writing about what life is like in Iraq today. It is amazing to know that we are the same age and yet our lives are so different. It must be pretty tough to have to deal with so many hard things like schools closing because of fighting, bombs in markets when you are shopping, friends being killed or just disappearing. I sure hope that people figure out what to do to stabilize conditions for you again.

I wonder if you have any sports in your school? I play basketball, which you would probably like if you don’t know the game. What kind of music do you listen to? I wonder if we have heard any of the same bands? I learned that you don’t use computers much because of electricity shortages. I hope that changes soon.

Well, I wish there was something I could do to make things better in your country. With the new U.S. president, Barack Obama, there is a good chance that things will get better.

Take care,

Your friend,

Chris

صديق عزيز في العراق

لقد قرأنا بعض الرسائل اللتي كتبتموها عن الحياة في العراق اليوم ومن العجب أن نعرف أننا في نفس العمر و مع ذلك حياتنا مختلفة جدا. لا بد من أن يكون صعبا جدا التعامل مع هذا العدد الكبير من الامور الصعبة مثل إغلاق المدارس بسبب القتال و القنابل في الأسواق عندما تتسوقون و وفاة أو اختفاء الأصدقاء. ارجو من الناس ان يتعلمو ما يجب عمله لتحقيق استقرار الأوضاع لكم مرة أخرى.

أتساءل إذا كان لديكم انواع من الرياضة في مدرستك؟ انا ألعب كرة السلة ، والتي ربما تحبها لو كنت لا تعرف اللعبة. الى اي نوع من الموسيقى تستمع؟ أتساءل إذا كنا قد استمعنا إلى نفس الفرق الموسيقية. علمت انكم لا تستخدمون الكمبيوتر كثيرا بسبب نقص الكهرباء و ارجو ان يتغير ذلك قريبا.

اتمنى لو كان هناك شيء يمكنني القيام به لتحسين الأمور في بلدكم و اظن ان مع الرئيس الاميركي الجديد ، باراك أوباما ، هناك فرصة جيدة بأن الأمور ستتحسن.

مع اطيب التمنيات,

صديقك كرس

Water for Peace Action at Al-Ghadeer Kindergarten in Najaf

Below are some images of children at Al-Ghadeer Kindergarten in Najaf, where a small water purifier unit was recently installed by the Muslim Peacemaker Teams. 150 kids attend the school.

Thanks to the sisters at Racine Dominicans for donating the purifier unit.

I feel bad for the kids having to sit through so many pictures! (there are many more not shown here...)










Tuesday, May 12, 2009

Education for Peace

Below is a recent note from Sami Rasouli, Director of Muslim Peacemaker Teams (IARP's partner in Iraq):

Dear friend,

"Schools across Iraq are crumbling as a result of a lack of government attention as well as rampant corruption, leaving many children without any means of education say observers." By Nizar Latif / Wasit

Read: http://www.niqash.org/content.php?contentTypeID=74&id=2420&lang=0

Meanwhile IARP & MPT are trying to do a positive difference toward Iraqi children's lives by reducing the violation of Human Rights, hardship of living conditions, violence & abuse applications, and improving their education system.

Please read this report:

EDUCATION FOR PEACE ACTION
IN NAJAF

English as a foreign language for Third graders at Iraqi schools:

The Iraqi Ministry of Education had a successful experiment of teaching English as a foreign language for Third graders in the province of Al-Muthana last schooling year (2007-2008).

IME had added the program as a new curricula for 3rd grade students at all schools across the country during current schooling year (2008-2009). English as a foreign language program begun to be taught at 5th grade in the past. The education community across the country is pleased for such positive change and development, even some educators and education experts are calling for earlier start with the program as early as 1st grade to begin with. The students are learning to listen, point, make, say words and eventually getting engaged in conversation between each other without leaning writing, reading or grammar skills at this stage of learning. The idea is to enable this group of early age kids to use a foreign language by providing them skills of active methods of communication.

MPT considers this curricula development is very important for the students at this stage of age where kids could discover other's culture through learning other's language, since MPT and IARP are engaged actively in several projects (Letters For Peace for instance) aimed to connecting children of both US and IRAQ.

Teachers, students and their parents are happy for this exciting program, but schools are lacking necessary visual aids such as flashcards, audio system and wall charts that make teacher's job easy and help students to get best results of learning process.

MPTers Mr. Ayad Khoshi, Principal of Al-Hiwariyoon Elementary and his Supervisor Mr. Abdul Khuder Abbas have suggested to MPT the possibility to provide the school with the needed VA by scanning the 42 colored pages of the newly assigned 3rd grade book-Iraq opportunity (please see photo below) and printing 21 large sizes of 2 pages together (1.2m X 80cm) as extremely helpful tool for English teachers.

This educational action was under taken by MPT 6 weeks ago as a response to Mr. Khoshi and Mr. Abbas request to show how VA for leaning a foreign language is important and also urging the officials in charge at the Iraqi Eduction Ministry to make them available for schools next year.

English teacher Mr. Anmar Jasim has reported that the experiment of using the wall charts at 2 of his English classes has improved kids learning up to 95% against 55% before using them.

There are over 16,000 elementary schools in Iraq.

Helping kids learn English will eventually help a whole Iraqi generation to understand American culture and become friends toward other people who speak English as an International language.

Thank you for your time and good work to heal our wounded world.

Peace,

Sami Rasouli
Muslim Peacemaker Teams
Najaf, Iraq